Venezuelan strongman Hugo Chavez had a good month in August. Actor Sean Penn paid a well-publicized visit and the San Francisco Board of Supervisors passed a resolution commending his administration for “its commitment to democracy.” In more substantial news, the Associated Press wrote a revealing piece about the $8 billion in aid that Chavez has offered to other South American countries. Such generosity is unprecedented for a local leader and the impressive sum trumped the paltry $3 billion that George Bush had pledged to the region. In one gesture, Chavez managed to look like the good guy and stuck it to his gringo nemesis.
It was just another chapter in the unfolding story of an unlikely and unusual leader.
And perhaps there is something to like about Chavez. He has a quirky, unrefined side that makes for some colorful moments. He recently announced that he wants to move the country’s time zone in an effort to, literally, spread some sunshine. The measure, he said, would allow for “a more fair distribution of the sunrise.”
And when rumors were circulating that Fidel Castro, Chavez’s socialist sensei, had died from surgery complications, Chavez jumped into spin mode in a way that only he can. He denied the reports in his weekly broadcast, saying, “On the Internet rumors are circulating that Fidel Castro has died…Fidel is producing, he is writing.” Chavez’s affinity for the Cuban leader is well known, but it’s as if he has anointed himself as Castro’s agent and publicist. What he really wants to do is direct…you know, to become a triple threat.
The quirkiness aside, there are some disturbing aspects to how Chavez handles the reins of power in South America’s largest oil economy. He wants to amend the constitution so that he can be re-elected indefinitely and is notoriously thin-skinned when it comes to criticism. Indeed, Venezuela’s press has come under increasing pressure for any critical assessments of the government’s policies.
Which makes the praise from San Francisco, as hollow as the gesture may be, all that much more puzzling. A free press is, arguably, the underpinning of a stable democracy. In that regard, Chavez’s commitment to democracy is very much in question.
In March of 2005, Venezuela passed a law to make it a crime to “insult” most public officials, including the president. The legislation expanded the reach of a previous law to forbid disrespect to the country's attorney general, National Assembly legislators and senior military leaders. Anyone convicted of "disrespecting" these officials can be jailed for up to 20 months.
So, ”dis” the president and you go to jail. If such draconian measures were in place here, Frank Rich, Paul Krugman, and Ellen Goodman could all be thrown in the pokey after each column (as tempting of a thought as that may be). The International Press Institute said that Chavez had "contributed to a climate of intimidation and hostility towards the press in which self-censorship is becoming widespread." Newspaper editor Patricia Poleo was harassed so much for her scathing reports on the Chavez government that she fled to the nearby island of Curacao - on a raft.
With all due respect to San Francisco’s elected officials, we generally don’t think of people fleeing “committed democracies” on dangerous sea voyages in rickety craft. To the contrary, democracies are usually the recipients of such refugees.
On the economic front, Chavez’s largesse comes with a price. While still wildly popular as a result of his handouts, he is whacking a steady stream of candy out of an economic piñata of oil, which makes up 90% of the country’s exports. As long as the oil keeps flowing at high prices, the generous public trough should keep Chavez in good standing with the people.
But the cracks are starting to show. Negative interest rates in the country offer no incentive for the people to save, which, combined with government price controls, have led to unbridled spending by average Venezuelans. There are already shortages of staples like milk, eggs, beans, and beef. An extra hour of sunshine won’t matter much to the people if they can’t get a quart of milk down at the store.
But so far, the cards have fallen in Chavez’s favor. With an anti-Bush swagger and a river of petrodollars at his disposal he is the Daddy Warbucks of South America, spending his way into the hearts of millions. And Venezuelans should sincerely hope that the honeymoon continues. Because if it doesn’t, they might find that Chavez’s grasp has become too firm for the people to do what they are allowed to do in a committed democracy.
Vote him out.